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Hezbollah is undergoing a major strategic review following the devastating war with Israel. According to three sources familiar with the group’s internal deliberations, it is now considering scaling back its military rolewithout completely disarming. The move reflects immense pressure from continued Israeli strikes, U.S. calls for disarmament, economic hardship, and the loss of key regional allies. Among the most significant blows was the toppling of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad in December, severing a vital weapons route from Iran. With Tehran reeling from its own war, its capacity to support Hezbollah is now in question. Under the leadership of the late Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah had grown into a formidable regional military power. But in private discussions, group officials now acknowledge that its arsenal, once seen as a deterrent, has become a strategic liability. Some weapons depots in southern Lebanon have already been turned over to the national army, in line with a U.S.-France brokered ceasefire. Hezbollah is even weighing the surrender of some of its longer-range missiles and droneson the condition that Israel halts its military operations and withdraws from southern Lebanon. Despite this shift, Hezbollah does not plan to disarm entirely. It aims to retain lighter weapons and anti-tank missiles to defend against potential attacks, whether from Israel or jihadist factions in Syria. However, this limited retention still falls short of demands from Israel, the U.S., and Lebanon’s government, all of whom want a complete monopoly on arms by the Lebanese state. Internally, the organization is facing complex discussions over its future structure, political role, and financial priorities. The loss of military supremacy, especially in the wake of massive destruction in southern Lebanon and Beirut’s suburbs, has shaken Hezbollah’s position both domestically and regionally.
Hezbollah’s weakening position isn't limited to the battlefieldits finances and political power are also under serious strain. While still committed to the ceasefire agreement reached last year, Hezbollah is reeling from significant economic setbacks. The group has reportedly paid over $50 million to families affected by Israeli strikes, but many supporters say they have been left homeless or uncompensated. Its financial institution, Al-Qard Al-Hassan, has reportedly been unable to honor cheques due to lack of available funds, while services like free medication from Hezbollah-run pharmacies have been scaled back. Foreign aid has also dried up. Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raji, a critic of Hezbollah, has declared there will be no international reconstruction support unless the group surrenders its weapons. U.S. officials have echoed this stance, placing Hezbollah’s disarmament as a condition for future rebuilding efforts. Meanwhile, Israel continues to target Hezbollah’s funding networks, recently killing an Iranian official who had overseen hundreds of millions in transfers to armed groups, including Hezbollah. The Lebanese government has banned flights between Beirut and Tehran, making it harder for Hezbollah to move cash. Increased security at Beirut airportlong seen as under Hezbollah's controlhas further restricted the group’s financial flexibility. Politically, Hezbollah faces growing opposition. The new government, backed by the U.S., has taken a more aggressive stance. Anger among Hezbollah’s core Shi’ite base is rising, particularly over the lack of shelter and compensation after the war. Despite this, Hezbollah and its Shi’ite ally Amal performed well in local elections. Now, with legislative elections looming next year, political survival has become a top priority. Analysts believe Hezbollah will use every tool available to delay disarmament, regain lost influence, and defend what it sees as an existential role in Lebanon’s power structure.
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